2011年1月24日 星期一

你我都是工人

以研究馬列主義著名的英國權威歷史學家Eric Hobsbawm新作“ How to Change the World Tales of Marx and Marxism”面世。他接受英國衛報訪問,期間談到歐洲社會民主陣營及右傾政黨未有善用零八年金融海嘯的契機,指出陣營背後欠缺一個廣泛的工人階層:

(原文擇錄)
Do you see as part of the problem, in terms of the left, the end of a conscious and identifiable mass working class, which was traditionally essential to social democratic politics?

Historically, it is true. It was around the working-class parties that social democratic governments and reforms crystallised. These parties were never, or only rarely, completely working class. They were, to some extent, always alliances: alliances with certain kinds of liberal and leftwing intellectuals, with minorities, religious and cultural minorities, possibly many countries with different kinds of working, labouring poor. With the exception of the United States, the working class remained a massive, recognisable bloc for a long time – certainly well into the 1970s. I think the rapidity of deindustrialisation in this country has played hell with not only the size but also, if you like, the consciousness of the working class. And there is no country now in which the pure industrial working class in itself is sufficiently strong.
What is still possible is that the working class forms, as it were, the skeleton of broader movements of social change.

A good example of this, on the left, is Brazil, which has a classic case of a late-19th-century Labour party based on an alliance of trade unions, workers, the general poor, intellectuals, ideologists and varying kinds of left [wingers], which has produced a remarkable governing coalition. And you can't say it's an unsuccessful one after eight years of government with an outgoing president on 80% approval ratings. Today, ideologically, I feel most at home in Latin America because it remains the one part of the world where people still talk and conduct their politics in the old language, in the 19th- and 20th-century language of socialism, communism and Marxism.

國家經濟日趨非工業化,令傳統勞工階層 – 理論上工黨或社會民主陣營的後盾 – 逐步萎縮,相關政策無以推展。

筆者認為,大國經濟由工業轉向一般及專業服務性行業,社會核心階層如中產、白領等,即使他們跟一般勞動階層同樣受薪,亦會因種種認知或利害關係,與工人劃清界線,成為依附建制、穩定堅制的強大力量。當白領階層愈以為自己收入相當、生活自由時,實則愈得受既有體制所擺佈和玩弄,無以自拔。主流尚且無以自主,被群眾冷落、甚至賤視的工人階層,慘況可想而知。

要有力制衡建制普天蓋地的壟斷和操控,民間必須要有以量取勝、以團結戮力力量與之抗衡,其中工人扮演了不可或缺的角色。要充實工人的力量,就得不再將工人限於勞動階層:任何受薪及提供服務的在職人士,不論藍領還是白領,不論專業還是技術,都必須要認清自己在廣大社會機器裡、在老闆的眼裡,都不過是一個個不折不扣的工人。只有跨工種、跨工會、跨階級的同仇敵愾大團結,才能生成有效制衡企業的力量。今日紥鐵工人抗議扣糧?機場服務業工會應予以聲援﹔明日消防員工會建議減少時薪?會計師工會憑什麼不以理支持?

當然,上述一切近乎天荒 - 要各家顧及人前雪,有違常理﹔要不少中小企隨時無辜受到牽連,亦屬不公。然而筆者不重下文情景是否成真,而是希望社會上任何一個受薪階層,都應該對工人階級有一定程度的向心,在原則上支持社會民主或工黨陣營。當然,若有關政策鼓吹濫用福利坐食山崩,乃屬別論,即使心思相連,亦得以全盤社會為慮,實事求是。

你今天之所以貴為白領,不過是社會給你的一個虛榮的標籤,要你自以為高人一等,俯首聽命。在權力核心眼裡,你地位再高,亦不過旗子一枚,沒有誰是不可取替。你是工人,站在工人一方,很應份。你可以按個別情況,衡量若干界別的工人訴求合理與否,決定自己的取態,但你不能漠視工人、卑視工人 - 因為這是卑視自己,因為沒有人是孤島。社會民主,是廣大市民不論高低的唯一保障、唯一出路。

沒有留言: