2010年1月17日 星期日

皇后像宣言

參照wiki:網球廳宣誓(le Serment du Jeu de paume;或譯網球場宣言)是一份由577名法國三級會議第三等級代表和少數第一等級代表於1789年6月20日簽署的誓言。它是法國大革命的序幕。
之前,法王路易十六反對將三級會議改為國民會議,不允許第三等級的代表進入三級會議的會場,因此後者決定在附近的室內皇家網球館開會(當時已開始下雨)。在那裡,第三等級的代表們發誓將繼續開會,不制定法國憲法決不解散。除一名代表拒絕簽字外,其餘577名代表都在誓言上簽字。這是一次革命性的行動,它向世人表明,政治權利屬於人民及其代表而非君主。
網球廳宣誓通常被認為是法國大革命誕生的標誌。

皇后像宣言
自釋法至高鐵,特區政府以代表港人為名,賣港媚中為實,三番四摧歸毁司法、剝奪港人自由和尊嚴,迫港人跟無恥政府猥自枉屈,把爺的泡尿當作甘泉,感恩戴德。香港之衰敗,歸根究柢,為少數人壟斷權力兼予取於攜,一邊廂愚弄中央乩民賣正,望封討賞﹔那邊廂政權為攏絡商賈,利益無限輸送。奴才與奸商的法西斯式均衡參與,終令普羅利益不霑、民意不彰、民權不揚,稍有不滿,便動輒被妖魔--害人無罪,伸冤反而是大錯!今晚,堂堂立會殿堂,一個寄生著功能組別的殿堂,一個政府聲稱是均衡參與的議會,竟然罔顧實情打壓民意,一意孤行。選民總數薄弱的功能組別,竟然可以玩弄地區直選者於股掌﹔均衡參與的結果,竟換來利益的不均與傾斜!
我們的憤,是義憤,不是上不到位不忿,我們從來沒有挑釁,只有政權一直當我們草泥馬般呼喝鞭打,要我們、要後代不吭一聲,孭上百億巨債,一償有心人表忠發財的私心!
今日一戰,看似失敗,但卻是星火燎原的序章。政權之獨斷專橫是次表露無遺,已容不得任何猶重良知的人不聞不問。我們已經給自己、給後代留下一條高鐵,我們絕不能再讓他們失去自由和普選的權利。對於後代,我們要有承擔﹔對於現時在祖國受苦受難卻仍埋首民運的同胞和六四先賢,擁有更多自由的我們,更要有所交代!來日五區公投,大家請振臂一投,向中央嚴正聲明:廢除功能組別,盡快落實真普選!連港澳辦都認定總辭公投威脅基本法,簡接承認總辭公投之實,大家何不鋌身而出,讓民意一錘定音!

嚴櫻
2010/1/17


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3 則留言:

匿名 提到...

"Give me Liberty, or Give me Death!" Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.

You definitively earn my respect.

May God be on your side.

匿名 提到...

討港賊檄 (Please edit and distribute . . . )

1. 奉承天道, 弔民伐罪, 謹以大義佈告天下:

2. 竊以朝有奸臣,甚於盜賊;署中酷吏,無異豺狼,利己殃民,剝閭閻以充囊橐,賣官鬻爵,進諂佞而抑賢才;以致上下交征,生民塗炭。富貴者稔惡不究,貧窮者含憤莫伸,言者痛心,聞者裂眥。

3. 即以高鐵撥款一事而論,近加數倍,十三年之稅,變相上繳中央,重財失信,挖肉敲脂,民財竭矣。劇盜四起,嗷鴻走鹿,置若罔聞,一地兩檢,割地賠錢26億,視為常事,民命窮矣。

4. 朝廷恒舞酣歌,諱亂世而作太平之宴,官吏殘良害善,掩毒燄而陳人壽之書,萑苻佈滿江湖,荊棘遍叢道路,民也何罪?遭此鞠凶!我等志士仁人,傷心惻目,用是勸人為善。

5. 設教牖蒙,乃當道斥為莠民,誣為匪類,欲逞殘民之燄,遽操同室之戈。我等環顧同胞,義難袖手,因之鼓勵同志,出討巨奸。

6. 凡我百姓兄弟,不必驚惶!商賈農工,各安生業!富者助餉,貧者效力,智者恊謀,勇者仗義,共襄盛舉,再造昇平,則虎狼戢而天日清,蠹賊除而苗禾殖矣。

7. 倘有愚民助桀為虐,怙惡不悛,天兵所到,必予誅夷,凜之慎之!檄到如律令。

adapted from : 清史演義 - :第五十八回

匿名 提到...

The Gettysburg Address, Abraham Lincoln, November 19, 1863:

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.